24-1 



Fort Washington 



November i6th, 1776 



^"^ ^ Memorial from the 
Empire State Society of the 
Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion to the Honorable Mayor 
and Municipal Assembly of 
the City of New York, praying 
for the erection of a suitable 
monument to mark the site of 
Fort Washington ^ ^ ^ 



Presented to the Municipal 
Authorities May 3, 1898 




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Fort Washington 

November .i6th, 1776 



'^ '^ ^ Memorial from the 
Empire State Soeiety of the 
Sous of the Amerieaii Revoln- 
tion to tJie Honorable Mayor 
and Mnnieipal Assembly of 
the City of New York, praying 
for the erection of a suitable 
monument to mark the site of 
Fort JVashington ^ ^ ^ 



Presented to the Municipal 
Authorities . May 3, 1898 



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^O 5' 



Empire State Society 
Sons of the American Revolution. 



PRESIDENT, 

Hon. Chauncey M. Depew. 

FIRST VlfE-PRESIDENT, 

Hon. Robert B. Roosevelt. 

SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT, 

Walter S. Logan. 

THIRD VICE-PRESIDENT, 

Col. John C. Calhoun. 

SECRETARY, 

William W. Kenly. 

TREASURER, 

Richard T. Davies. 

REGISTRAR, 

Teunis D. Huntting. 

HISTORIAN, 

Walter Romeyn Benjamin. 

CHAPLAIN, 

Rev. James Marcus King, D.D. 



MANAGERS FOR ONE YEAR, 

Andrew J. C. Foye, 

Colgate Hoyt, 

William H. Kelly, 

Hon. James J. Belden, 

Gen. Thomas Wilson, U.S.A. 

Oswald P. Backus, 

Edward Hagaman Hall. 



MANAGERS FOR TWO YEARS, 

Gen. Ferdinand P. Earie, 

Capt. Oliver B, Bridgman, 

Col. Frederick D. Grant, 

Edward Payson Cone, 

J. Lawrence McKeever, 

George May Elwood, 

Hon. Lucius E. Chittenden. 



MANAGERS FOR THREE YEARS, 

Ira Bliss Stewart, 

Cornelius A. Pugsley, 

William A. Marble, 

Col. Lewis C. Hopkins, 

William H. Hotchkiss, 

David McN. K. Stauffer, 

David Whipple. 



Minute. 

At a meeting of the Empire State Society of the Sons 
of the American Revolution, held November is, 1897, the 
following resolution was unanimously passed : 

Resolved, That the following Memorial be adopted 
and signed on behalf of the Society by the President and 
three Vice-Presidents, and transmitted by the Secretary, 
under seal of the Society, to His Honor, the Mayor, and 
the Municipal Assembly of the City of New York. 

In pursuance of the foregoing resolution, the following 
Committee was appointed to present the Memorial to the 
Mayor and Municipal Assembly, together with such addi- 
tional historical information as they might deem advisable. 

EDWARD HAGAMAN HALL, 
GEN. HORATIO C. KING, 
COL. RALPH EARL PRIME, . 
STEPHEN MOTT WRIGHT, 
WILLIAM WATKINS KENLY, 
WALTER ROMEYN BENJAMIN. 



Memorial. 



To THE Honorable Mayor and Municipal Assembly 
OF the City of New York. 

Gentlemen. — The Empire State Society , of the Sons of the American Revolution 
assembled on the eve of the 121st anniversary of tlte capture of and massacre 
at Fort Washington, respectfully requests you to take the proper steps to mark 
permanently that liistoric spot. It is a reproach to the patriotism, civic pride 
and generosity of the city tliat this spot, on loJiich occurred the greatest dis- 
aster to American arms during tJie IVar for American Independence {according 
to an eminent American liistorian), is so neglected that it can now be identified 
only zvith great difficiilty, by two remaining bastions which are rapidly disap- 
pearing under tlie action of the elements. If prompt action is not taken 
permanently to mark this site, its location will soon be involved in the same 
doubt and historical dispute that for many years, and until quite recently, 
enveloped the actual scejte of the Battle of Harlem Heights. The misleading 
position of the name "Fort Washington " on some of the maps of the city, the 
diversity of locations attributed to it in popular opinion, and the practical difficul- 
ties whicli a visitor encounters in finding if demonstrate that this sacred spot is al- 
ready passing into the shadow of doubt which precedes complete loss of identification. 

Manhattan Island was the theatre of but tzvo military engagements during the 
War of the American Revolution. The first and minor was the Battle of Harlem 
Heights on September 16, ijj6, on the day after the unresisted invasion of the Island 
by the British. In this engagement the American loss was about 20 or 25 in killed 
and wounded. The second and more important was the capture of Fort Washing- 
ton, on November 16, ijj6. In the taller, after their gallant and desperate resist- 
ance of ail enemy outnumbering them more than five to one, and having sustained 
a loss behind their works of 1^0 killed and wounded, while inflicting a loss of ^00 
killed and wounded upon their adversaries, the Americans yielded to an over- 
ivhelming force, and surrendered ^,000 prisoners of war* to languish in Brit- 
ish dungeons or perish oti British prison-ships. The Hessian mercenaries of 
the British, enraged by the desperate resistance which they had encountered, 
violated the laws of humanity and civilised warfare by wreaking their vengeance 
in a horrible butchery of their helpless captives; while Washington, contemplating 
the scene from a distance, wept like a child at the fate of tiis heroic companions- 



* Good authorities differ as to the exact numbers engaged and the losses sustained on either side. The foregoing statements are 
based on John Fiske's " The American Revolution." 



Ill-arms which he was powerless- to avert. On that date, the last vestige of 
American authority disappeared from the Island of Manhaffciii until the evacua- 
tion of the Island by the British seven years and nine days later, after American 
Independence had been won. The loss of Fort Washington was a crushing blow 
to the American cause. 

We respectfully represent to your Honorable Body that the importance of that 
historical event and the greatness of the sacrifice then made, warrant vou, and the 
present state of historical interest justifies you, in making such moderate appro- 
priation as may be necessary for permanently and effectively marking this spot which 
to-day has neither stone, post nor finger-board to assist in its identification, and 
which is known only to a feiv residents of the vicinity, our city officials, and a 
handful of historical students. As the site lies immediately within the private 
property boundary on the western side of the Fort Washington Road, about in 
range with i8jd Street, ive suggest that if tlie acquisition of a parcel of land for a 
small public park be impracticable, a substantial but not elaborate granite arch 
spanning the public highway at that point, properly inscribed, would be a suitable 
and effective means of marking tlie place. The Fort Washington Road, in con- 
junction with the Boulevard Lafayette, is destined to become one of the most popu- 
lar and picturesque pleasure drives of the city; and in the near future thousands 
instead of iiundreds will daily pass in ignorance of the spot most deeply stained 
with the blood of our patriotic ancestors on the Island of Manhattan and the spot 
which ought most reverently to be clierished in the hearts of our liberty-loving 
people. 




Stephen M. Wright, SecreUn-y. 



Signed in behalf of the Empire State 
Society, Sons of the American Revolution, 
this i^th day of November, A.D. 1897, 
and of the Independence of the United 
States the iiid. 



Chauncey M. Depew, 

President. 

Robert B. Roosevelt, 

Vice-Presidetit. 

Walter S. Logan, 

yice-President. 

Ralph E. Prime, 

yice-Piesident. 




SITE OF FORT WASHINGTON. 



In making the original measurements for tlie above plan, distances and angles have been taken from 
the curb-lines on account of their definiteness. The principal lines here delineated therefore are curb-lines. 
The Fort Wasiiington Road, or Fort Washington Avenue as it is now called, is 80 feet wide. The road- 
bed is 42 feet wide and the sidewalk space extends 19 feet on each side of the lines above given, it 
would thus appear that the western sidewalk has been cut through the point of the N. E. bastion, and 
possibly througli the S. E. bastion. If an arch were erected over the Avenue i so feet north of the dotted 
line, not only would it stand on the crest of the hill, but its western pier would rest on part of the site of 
the original Fort. 



Fort Washington 
and Its Related Fortifications. 

BY EDWARD HAGAMAN HALL. 

The object of this brief sketch is to indicate with exactness the site of Fort 
Washington, on Manhattan Island, and to rescue from threatened oblivion the 
location of the spot made memorable by the gallant defense of the Americans, No- 
vember 1 6, 1776. The growth of the city, the march of improvements, and the 
action of the elements have so obliterated the historic landmarks of the Island, that 
few vestiges remain to remind the present generation of the Revolutionary period. 
These natural influences have been supplemented in their operation upon the site of 
Fort Washington by the indefiniteness with which map-makers have applied their 
designations to the charts of the Island, and popular opinion has already entered 
the penumbra of uncertainty which foreshadows complete loss of identity. Upon a 
"Map of the Upper Part of the Island of Manhattan above Eighty-sixth Street, 
Arranged to Illustrate the Battle of Harlem Heights," in Shannon's Manual for 1868^ 
the name F-o-r-t W-a-s-h-i-n-g-t-o-n is spread over a territory nearly two miles 
in extent north of i6oth Street. On Rand & McNally's "Complete map of New York 
and Vicinity," 1895, the Fort is not designated ; but Jeffrey's Hook, projecting into 
the Hudson River in a line with what would be 176th Street if it were opened, 
bears the additional appellation of "Fort Washington Point." This is a commonly 
used name for Jeffrey's Hook, and the consequent tendency to locate the Fort there 
is so strong, that the Point has become a very general synonym for the Fort. On 
the maps printed for the City Directory, the name "Fort Washington " occupies 
the territory between the Fort Washington Ridge Road (latterly called Fort Wash- 
ington Avenue) and the Hudson River in a line with 178th Street if projected. 
Errors in Lossing's "Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution," which locate the 
Hamilton Grange at 151st Street instead of I42d, and Washington's Headquarters, 
(thejumel Mansion) at 169th Street instead of 1 60th; and in Mrs. Lamb's "His- 
tory of New York," which make Harlem Heights and Mount Washington synony- 
mous and locate the battle of Harlem Heights in the vicinity of Trinity Cemetery 
instead of Morningside Heights, compel us to seek outside evidence to confirm the 
location of Fort Washington. Fortunately there remain sufficiently distinct traces, 
of the Fort to fix its site with exactness. 

An observer stationed at the intersection of Eleventh Avenue and 183d Street,, 
with a compass corrected for magnetic deviation, will find that the avenue runs-, 
about 29 degrees east of north,* and the street 61 degrees west of northf-^an angle 
of 90 degrees. If he will proceed to the point where the western curb-line of Fort 
Washington Avenue would be intersected by the line of the southern side-walk of 
183d Street if projected, and walk thence 3^6 feet in the direction of the continuance 
of the line, he will stand on what remains of the NW bastion of the Fort. This 



* 28°, so', 30". +61^, 9', 3o". 



bastion is rapidly wearing away under the action of the weather and in former 
years, after a rain storm, it was not unusual to see cannon-balls and other relics 
roll out of the bank. Looking a few degrees west of south from the NW bastion, 
one may see, 162 feet distant, the extremity of the SW bastion, wholly covered 
with verdure and in a much better state of preservation. It commands a superb 
view of the Hudson and the Palisades on the Jersey shore. These two bastions 
are all that remains of Fort Washington, but they are enough to enable us to 
locate the obliterated portions by the means of existing diagrams. Plotting the 
Fort according to the plans obtainable, it is found that James Gordon Bennett's 
house lies close to the N bastion; that an unoccupied house stands upon the site of 
the SE bastion, and that the old Four-in-Hand Club House, built some thirty years 
ago, stands between the NW and SW bastions, where additional rooin has been 
made for it by blasting. As the diagram herewith represents the curb-lines of Fort 
Washington Avenue, it would appear that in grading the western sidewalk the 
ground of the NE bastion must have been partially cut away, and possibly the foot 
of the SE bastion. 

One hundred and fifty feet north of the intersection of the western curb-line of 
Fort Washington Avenue with the southern line of 183d Street projected, is the 
crest of Fort Washington Avenue roadway and the entrance to the drive-way into 
the premises of Mr. Bennett. An arch spanning the avenue upon this eminence 
would command a view of all the northern portion of Manhattan Island and a 
sweeping prospect beyond the Harlem River into Westchester County and Con- 
necticut. A few rods north of the Fort is the highest point on Manhattan Island, 
the elevation being 271.4 feet. The extent of the view may be inferred from the 
fact that it was here that Hassler, in his famous trigonometrical coast survey, fixed 
one of his stations, the next being in the State of Connecticut. To the eastward 
and westward of Fort Washington the ground declines sharply, being steeper on 
the west than on the east. To the southward the grade falls away more gradually. 
To the northward the ridge maintains a high elevation for about six-tenths of a mile 
when, at the site of Fort Tryon, it falls away precipitously. 

Although Fort Washington possessed a natural advantage of elevation, it was 
not constructively a strong military work. It is described as a "pentagonal, 
bastioned earthwork, without a keep, having a feeble profile and scarcely any 
ditch. In its vicinity were batteries, redoubts and intrenched lines." The dia- 
gram of the Fort in Lossing's " Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution" also repre- 
sents the Fort surrounded by an abattis. Carrington, in his "Battles of the 
American Revolution, "says: "Fort Washington was a hastily built open earthwork 
and, according to Graydon, without a ditch of any consequence, and with no 
exterior defenses that could entitle it to the name of a fortress in any degree capable 
of sustaining a siege. There was no well within the Fort proper, so that water was 
procurable only from the Hudson River nearly 300 feet below." The river was 
really about 1000 feet distant. 

Major Alexander Graydon, whose battalion served under Cadwallader and 
who was captured at Fort Washington, says in his " Memoirs : " " There were 
no barracks, or casemates, or fuel, or water within the body of the place. It 

10 



was an open earthen construction, with ground at a short distance on the back of 
it equally high, if not higher; without a ditch of any consequence, if there was a 
ditch at all; no outworks but an incipient one on the north not deserving the appel- 
lation, or any of those exterior multiplied obstacles and defenses that, so far as 1 
can judge, could entitle it to the name of fortress in any degree capable of sus- 
taining a siege. It required no parallels to approach it; the citadel was at once 
within reach of assailants. In addition to this, there were no magazines of any 
kind prepared, and it is stated in the Annual Register, which carried on the history 
of the war, that, with its other deficiencies, there was not found in it ammunition 
adequate for the shortest defense." 

It is perhaps needless to add that Major Graydon was opposed to the policy of 
attempting to retain Fort Washington. 

Marshall's " Life of Washington " says: "Fort Washington is on a very high 
piece of rocky ground near the North River, very difficult of ascent, especially 
towards the north or Kingsbridge. The Fort was capable of containing about 
1000 men, but the lines and outworks, which were chiefly on the southern side 
toward New York, were drawn quite across the Island. The ground was natur- 
ally very strong, the approaches difficult, and the fortifications, although not 
sufficient to resist heavy artillery, were believed to be in a condition which would 
prevent any attempt to carry them by storm. Had the Fort toward the East River 
been defended with as much gallantry as the hill on the north, the enemy would 
probably have been repulsed." 

Lord Howe, considering the relation of the Fort to Fort Lee on the Jersey 
shore, and noting that it commanded the North River while it barred communication 
with New York by land, regarded the post so important that in his opinion its 
possession was absolutely necessary. 

The builders of Fort Washington were the Pennsylvania troops who arrived 
in New York during June, 1776. About the middle of that month, Washington, 
on horseback, reconnoitred the heights adjacent to King's Bridge and determined 
where works were to be laid out. Irving's " Life of Washington " says: " Breast- 
works were to be thrown up for the defense of the bridge, and an advanced work 
(subsequently called Fort Independence) was to be built beyond it on a hill com- 
manding Spuyten Duivil Creek .... A strong work, intended as a kind of 
citadel, was to crown a rocky height between two and three miles south of the 
bridge commanding the channel of the Hudson; and below it were to be redoubts 
on the bank of the river at Jeffrey's Point. In honor of the General, the citadel 
received the name of Fort Washington." The work of construction was carried 
on under the immediate and technical direction of Col. Rufus Putnam, Chief Engi- 
neer of the Army, The armament of the Fort is variously stated, possibly because 
different authors refer to different periods of the Fort's history or include more or 
less outworks. Gen. Wilson's " Memorial History of New York," gives the Fort 
18 guns; Lossing credits it with " about 20 heavy cannons .... besides several 
smaller pieces and mortars; " while a letter dated Fort Washington, August 3d, 
1776, says: The "Fort mounts thirty-two pieces of heavy cannon." (Irving's 
"Life of Washington.") The calibre of the ordnance may be judged from the 

11 



description of the pieces captured at the Fort and its outworks November i6th, 
which included 4 thirty-two-pounders, 2 eighteen-pounders, 7 twelve-pounders, 
5 nine-pounders, 15 six-pounders, 8 three-pounders, 2 five and a half inch how- 
itzers, besides the cannon taken at King's Bridge. (American Archives, sth 
Series. Vol. 111.) 

The abbatis of Fort Washington enclosed a space of three or four acres, while 
its ravelins protected an area of three times that extent. After its capture, it was 
named Fort Knyphausen by the British, but upon the re-possession of the Island 
by the Americans seven years later, unlike Fort Tryon and Fort George, its Ameri- 
can title was resumed. 

Fort Washington was the citadel of an extensive series of fortifications 
lying north of the battle-field of Harlem Heights, some of which were merely 
redoubts or breastworks, and other sufficiently important to be dignified with the 
name of Forts. In order that their relation to Fort Washington and the battle 
hereafter to be described may be understood, they may briefly be mentioned, 
beginning on the south : 

During the interval between the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776, and 
the battle 'of Harlem Heights, September j6, 1776, Washington fixed upon the 
heights north of the Hollow Way (Manhattan Street), as the best position to take, 
and three lines of defenses were projected across the Island. 

The first and most southerly extended across the high ground between 145th 
and 147th Streets. It included three small redoubts upon as many eminences and 
was protected by abattis. The western redoubt has been located in the accom- 
panying map at the intersection of i4Tth Street and iith Avenue by means of a 
topographical map made some thirty years ago, which indicates the remains of a 
redoubt at that spot, although there is higher ground at 147th Street. The con- 
struction of this line was undertaken on September 16, 1776, during the Battle of 
Harlem. Col. Silliman, -writing on September 17th of the previous day, says: 
"Our brigades, which form a line across the Island where 1 am, were immediately 
ordered under arms, but as the enemy did not immediately advance, we grounded 
our arms, and took spades and shovels and went to work, and before night had 
thrown up lines across the Island. There was nothing before but three little 
redoubts in about a mile, and we are at work this day in strengthening them." 

The second line of intrenchments zigzagged across the Island between the 
lines of the present isjd and i^sth Streets, now largely occupied by Trinity 
Cemetery. It contained four redoubts and was also protected by abattis. It was 
stronger than the first line. 

The foregoing are the "double lines of intrenchments " alluded to by historians. 

The third, without redoubts, was projected along the line of the present i6ist 
Street, from Washington's Headquarters (the jumel or Morris Mansion, now owned 
by Gen. Ferdinand P. Earle) to the Hudson River, but was never completed. 

Along the central hills where the Convent of the Sacred Heart now stands, was 
a line of small unconnected batteries, overlooking the Harlem. 

On the promontory of Jeffrey's Hook, (Fort Washington Point, so-called) 
was a redoubt intended to cover the obstruction placed across the river at that 



point. Its remains are still noticeable, and are sometimes erroneously called the 
remains of Fort Washington.* 

The sunken obstruction in the river is described in a letter dated Fort Wash- 
ington, August 3d, 1776, as follows: "Four ships, chained and boomed, with a 
number of amazing large chevaux de frise, were sunk close by the fort under the 
command of General Mifflin." This device was a contrivance of Gen. Putnam, 
but after its inefficiency was proved, the General does not appear to have been 
very eager to claim credit for it, and, in the confusion of names, it is not unfre- 
quently attributed to Col. Putnam, Chief Engineer of the Army. 

Passing six-tenths of a mile beyond Fort Washington, along Fort Washington 
Avenue, to a point where the backbone of the ridge breaks away suddenly, (be- 
tween what would be i9Sth and iqSth Streets) one comes to Fort Tryon. At the 
time of the capture of Fort Washington, this point of vantage was credited with 
a single two-gun redoubt. After its capture, it was strengthened and given the 
British name which it retains. Three conspicuous redoubts now mark the 
spot. They are immediately north of the house of W. A. Munschenheim. 

Still farther north, overlooking the mouth of the Spuyten Duyvil Creek, was a 
little two-gun redoubt dignified with the name Cock Hill Fort. 

Upon an eminence called Marble Hill at the very northern extremity of Man- 
hattan Island, around three sides of which sweeps Spuyten Duyvil Creek, stood 
Fort Prince Charles, commanding King's Bridge on the north and Dyckman's 
Bridge on the east. The site is a few feet north of the residence of DeWitt Clinton 
Overbaugh. On July 4th, 1894, a flagpole was erected on the spot, and Mr. 
Overbaugh delivered an address reciting the romantic and dramatic history of the 
Fort. The North Side Board of Trade has for two years been endeavoring to 
secure the conversion of the site into a park. Bayonets, bullets, cannon balls, 
human bones, a curious seal, and numerous other relics have been exhumed there. 
That it was also a place of pre-historic importance is attested by the stone imple- 
ments and extraordinary shell deposits, (remains of aboriginal feasts) found there. 

On the eastern side of the Island, about opposite Fort Tryon, on the bluff over- 
looking the Harlem between the termini of the present Tenth and Eleventh 
Avenues, then called Laurel Hill, was a strong fortified position subsequently 
named Fort George by the British. The earthworks were extant in 1890, but were 
subsequently razed to make way for a proprietary pleasure resort called Fort 
George Park, In 1896, the Hon. Andrew H. Green secured the passage by the 
legislature of a bill for the conversion of this spot into a public park, but the bill 
failed to become a law for lack of the Governor's signature. 

Down below Laurel Hill, to the northward, was a four-gun redoubt command- 
ing the King's Bridge Road. 

South of Laurel Hill, on the western bank of the Harlem, were a number of 
minor defenses. 

Leaving out of consideration for the moment certain works on the mainland 
hereafter to be mentioned, a glance may be taken at the extent of the field which 
the Americans had to defend. 



This point, with adjacent land (in all about 25 acres) is now under the jurisdiction of the Park Department of the City. The 
acquisition of the Point for a park was first suggested by Hon. Andrew H. Green in 1865. 

18 



I~L u. d 5 



on. 




FORT WASHINGTON AND 

I. Fort Number One. 2. Fort Number Two. ;. Fort Number Three. 4. Fort Number Four, or Fort Independeri: 
10. Cock Hill Fort. 11. Redoubt. 12. Fort George, Laurel Hill. n. Fort Tryon. 14. Fort Washington. i^. iL 
18. Second line of intrenchments. 19. First line of intrenchments. 20. Line of unconnected batteries. 21. Point ot 
action of Harlem Heights began, Sept. 16th, 1776. 2s. American Picket. 26. Battle-ground of Harlem Heights. 27. F 

_ 

A circuit of that portion of the Island bounded by the first line of intrench- 
ments at 145th Street, the Harlem River, Spuyten Duyvil Creek, and the Hudson 
River, measure^aoout ten miles. Major Graydon, in his "Memoirs," says: "I 
find it stated by the King of Prussia, in his History of the Seven Years War, that 
16,000 men were inadequate to the defense of Berlin, three miles in circumference, 
say nine or ten of our miles."* The courage of the Americans in attempting to 
retain an equal territory with only 3,000 is thus apparent. 

* Graydon went on to say: " Now the circuit to be defended by Magaw was scarcely less (if I have not much forgotten its dimen- 
sions,) than four or five miles," and on that erroneous basis estimated that at least 10,000 men were needed for the defense 
of the post. 

14 




\ELATED FORTIFICATIOHS. 

ort Number Five. 6. Fort Number Six. 7. Fort Number Seven. 8. Fort Number Eight. 9. Fort Prince Charles. 

nmanding submerged obstructions. 16. Third line of intrenchments. 17. Morris Mansion, Washington's Headquarters. 

luthermost American outpost. 22. Batteries. 23. Snake Hill, now Mount Morris Park. 24. Hollov/ Way, where main 

28. King's Bridge. 20. Dyckman's Bridge. 30. Washington Bridge. 31. High Bridge. 32. Macomb's Dam Bridge. 

Passing now over to the mainland, to the north and east of Manhattan Island, 
we find a series of fortifications, one of which, Fort Number Eight, took an import- 
ant part in the capture of Fort Washington on November i6th, others being more 
or less prominent in subsequent history. 

On the north slope of Spuyten Duyvil Creek, on what is said to be the site of 
the old Indian fortress Nipinicksen, were three redoubts called respectively Forts 
Number One, Number Two, and Number Three. 

Fort Number One was a square stone redoubt, overlooking the Hudson and the 
mouth of Spuyten Duyvil Creek. It forms the foundation of the house owned by 



15 



Lewis H. Lapham and occupied by his cousin A. Schlaet, just west of the junction 
of Sidney Street with Independence Avenue. Numerous Indian and Revolutionary 
relics have been dug up on the spot. Four pound and six pound solid shot pre- 
served in the house indicate the calibre of the ordnance used thereabouts. 

Fort Number Two was a circular redoubt, called by the Americans Fort 
Swartwout. It stood on the crown of the hill about midway between Forts Number 
One and Three, in a field owned by Isaac Johnson, northwest of the intersection 
of Sidney and Troy Streets. (The names of these streets do not appear on the 
City Directory maps.) No traces of the fort remain. 

Fort Number Three was a stone redoubt on the eastern brow of Spuyten 
Duyvil Hill, a few rods south-east of the house of Mrs. Warren B. Sage. The site 
is just north of Sydney and east of Troy Streets. Thirty years ago Mr. Sage 
removed about 200 loads of stone, the remains of the fort, because they interfered 
with the growth of the grass on the place. Cannon balls and fragments of 
exploded shells are preserved in Mrs. Sage's house. 

Forts Numbers One, Two and Three, originally thrown up with haste by the 
Americans in August, 1776, were abandoned by them and seized and strengthened 
by the British before the capture of Fort Washington. In November, 1778, they 
had a garrison of iio officers and men. They were abandoned by the British in 
the fall of 1779.* 

The fourth in the series was called Fort Independence. Like Fort Washing- 
ton, it was built by Pennsylvania troops, assisted by militia, under the direction of 
Col. Putnam. It was a bastioned earthwork, with ravelins to the east and south- 
east. Apprehensive of the movements of the British, and acting under the orders 
of his superiors, Col. Lasher destroyed his barracks and abandoned the Fort 
October 27th, 1776, to reinforce Colonel Magaw at Fort Washington. So hastily 
was the order carried out that the cannon and 300 stand of small armS' were aban- 
doned. On the following day the enemy appeared and took possession, and held 
it against all comers for nearly three years. Then, on August i6th, 1779, they 
removed the guns, on August 17th demolished the magazine, and on September 
1 2th, abandoned it altogether. Its site is on the west side of Giles Avenue, two- 
tenths of a mile north of its intersection with Sedgwick Avenue, and is occupied by 
a house owned by W. O. Giles and now used for a boarding house. Some of the 
earthworks can distinctly be traced. Two iron cannon, seven feet long and with 
four inch bore, which were dug up on the place and for many years stood there, 
now rest upon the lawn in front of the Van Cortlandt mansion in Van Cortlandt 
Park. The memory of the Fort is preserved in the names of the adjacent "Fort 
Independence Street" and '-Cannon Place.'' 

Proceeding down Giles and Sedgwick Avenues .ss of a mile, from Fort Inde- 



* On a British map engraved by act of parliament, October loth, 1776, Tippet's or Spuyten Duyvil Hill on which these three forts 
stood is erroneously called " Tetard's Hill," and this mistake has been the seed of an extensive crop of errors in subsequent 
maps reproduced or drawn for modern histories. On a military map in Lossing's " Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution," 
in addition to the perpetuation of this mistake, Fort Independence is also located on the hill. As a consequence, the belief is 
locally entertained by many that one of these three forts is Fort Independence, and a neighboring street bears the misnomer 
of " Independence Street." The fact is, that Fort Number Four on the accompanying map is Fort Independence and marks 
the site of Tetard's Hill, Dominie Tetard's farm having been northeast of King's Bridge. The " Fort Independence Street" 
in that neighborhood is properly entitled to the name. 

16 



pendence, one comes to the house of Edward E. Eames, built well back from the 
road on the eastern side. Directly back of this house, 300 feet, is the site of Fort 
Number Five, now within the city's purchase for the Jerome Park Reservoir. This 
fort was about 70 feet square. It was occupied by the British in 1777, and dis- 
mantled September i8th, 1779. 

Fort Number Six, or the King's Redoubt, was situated .45 of a mile south of 
Fort Number Five, on the same side of the avenue. The site is very distinctly 
marked by a conspicuous mound 380 feet northeast of the house of Mrs. N. P. Bailey. 

Fort Number Seven was .6 of a mile farther south, on the same side of Sedg- 
wick Avenue, just south of the intersection of the Fordham Landing Road, on the 
property of Oswald Cammann. In the absence of any trace of the redoubt, its 
location cannot be stated with exactness. 

Forty-five hundredths of a mile still farther south, on the same side of the 
avenue, between the University buildings and Burnside Avenue, is the site of Fort 
Number Eight, the remains of which were visible when the residence of Mrs. 
Gustav Schwab was built in 1837. Cannon balls, grape shot, English coins, 
uniform buttons, bridle ornaments, pike tips, broken camp kettles, and other 
martial relics dug up on the place are preserved in the house. The redoubt was a 
few feet north of the house, at a spot marked by a boulder which is inscribed: 
"The Site of Fort Number Eight, 1776-178^." When the boulder was dedicated 
in 1896, Mrs. Schwab's son. Prof. John Christopher Schwab, of Yale University, 
delivered a very scholarly and critical address on the subject of Fort Number Eight 
and its relation to the Revolutionary War. The Fort was hastily erected by the 
British in preparation for the siege of Fort Washington, and it was upon the com- 
pletion of this work that Lord Howe felt himself in a position to forward the 
demand which he had made upon Gol. Magaw, November 15th, 1776, to sur- 
render. During the next six years it figured conspicuously in the military history 
of New York and Westchester County. The redoubt was supplied with heavy 
artillery and field pieces, (presumably brought up from New York) capable of 
storming the works on Laurel Hill, across the Harlem. Graydon thus refers to the 
Fort in his "Memoirs:" "On the west side of the Harlem River (Laurel Hill) a 
body of men was posted to watch the motions of the enemy who had erected 
works on the high commanding ground east of that river, apparently with the 
design of covering the landing of the troops in that part of the Island of New York. " 
Gen. Heath, referring to its subsequent use, says in his "Memoirs:" "The enemy 
had a redoubt on the east side of Harlem Creek nearly opposite to the fort on 
Laurel Hill and under the fire of its cannon, for the security of their advanced troops 
on the Morrisania side." The ultimate fate of the work is recorded on another 
page of Heath's "Memoirs:" "On the 20th of October, 1782, the enemy were 
demolishing their works at Number Eight, Morrisania."* 

With this outline of Fort Washington and its related fortifications, we now 
proceed to a relation of the operations of November i6th, 1776: 

* Passing northward along Sedgwick Avenue, with Washington Bridge for a starting point, a cyclometer will register the foUow- 
ino- distances : Washington Bridge, o ; opposite Fort Number Eight, i mile ; opposite Fort Number Seven, 1.45 ; opposite 
Fort Number Six, 2 05 : intersection of King's Bridge Road, 2.3 ; opposite Fort Number Five, 2.5 ; intersection of Giles 
Avenue, 2.85 ; opposite Fort Independence, 3.05. 

17 



Capture of Fort Washington 

November i6, 1776. 

BY WALTER ROMEYN BENJAMIN. 

The capture of Fort Washington by the British Army under Sir William 
Howe, on November i6th, 1776, was the most serious disaster experienced by the 
Americans during the Revolution. More and better soldiers were taken, more 
valuable stores were lost, and a greater moral harm done, than by any other defeat 
in the eight years war. It very nearly put an end to the struggle, and that it did 
not do so, was due mainly to the unfaltering courage of Washington, and partly 
to the supineness of the British commanders, who thought the war was virtually 
over, until they were shown differently at Trenton and Princeton. 

The Revolutionary War was won chiefly by American defeats and by our 
forefathers' inability to stay whipped. Washington plainly believed in the old saw, 
" He who fights and runs away, will live to fight another day." 

He realized that with his unskilled troops and raw levies, he could not afford 
to face the veteran forces of Great Britain and risk all on one cast of the die. His 
plan was to wear the enemy out by ceaseless resistance and with this view he 
contested every advance with stubbornness and retreated constantly, only to take 
up a new position of defence. 

Bunker Hill was a British victory, but a costly one to Great Britain, as it 
showed that American troops could meet and fight British soldiers on equal terms. 
Long Island witnessed another American defeat, but it taught us by a successful 
retreat that in Washington we had a general on whose skill reliance could be placed 
in the direst emergency. 

There is little comfort to be derived from the capture of Fort Washington. 
It is of unusual interest to the citizens of New York, as it was the only im- 
portant battle ever fought on Manhattan Island. It left the entire Island in the 
possession of the British and they retained it for over seven years. 

Previously to that unfortunate battle there had been no lack of energy and 
ability in the management of the allied British and Hessian forces. The defeat at 
Brooklyn on August 27th and 28th caused the abandonment of Long Island and 
the withdrawal of the American army to New York. The landing of the British 
on September 15th at Kips Bay, on the East River, near 34th Street, forced the 
hasty evacuation of the city. The battle of Harlem followed on September i6th. 
Gen. Howe thought it best not to push the Americans forther in that direction 
and after fortifying what is now the northern portion of Central Park, turned his 
attention to Westchester County. He landed his troops along the Sound and 
several small skirmishes and the battle of White Plains followed, with no material 
advantage to either side. 

Washington retreated from one position to another until finally on November 
I St he entrenched himself on the heights of New Castle, about five miles from 
White Plains. Here an important battle would have been fought and with results 
possibly disastrous to the American army, had Howe not suddenly changed his plans. 

18 



Later, when asked by a Parliamentary commission why he did this, he said 
there were political reasons, which he was not at liberty to tell. These "political 
reasons " were, possibly, the necessity of not breaking faith with the first American 
traitor, William Demont, the adjutant of Col. Robert Magaw, then in command of 
Fort Washington. 

It would have been a great triumph for Gen. Howe to take Fort Washington, as 
the Fort with its outposts was a thorn in his side, and its capture, with its garrison 
.and military stores, would have tended greatly to the advantage of his reputation in 
England. He did not venture, however, to assault the Fort until he had secured 
the full plans for its defense and particulars of the defenders from this traitor. 

The Fort, owing mainly to its location, was regarded as almost impregnable, 
or at least not worth the loss of men which would follow in attacking it. Its 
batteries, and those of Fort Lee on the opposite shore, commanded the Hudson 
River, and a chevaux-de-frise composed of partly sunken boats, chained together, 
crossed the river between the two points. 

On November 2nd, Demont slipped out of the Fort and made his way to the 
British lines to the southward. The extent of his black treason might never have 
been known had he himself not put it on paper, in the following letter written to 
the Rev. Dr. Peters : 

Revd. Sir: Permit me to Trouble you with a Short recital of my Services in America which I Pre- 
sume may be Deemd among the Most Singular of any that will go to Upper Canada. On the 2d 
of Novr. 1776, 1 Sacrificed all 1 was Worth in the World to the Service of my King & Country and 
Joined the then Lord Percy brought in with (me) the Plans of Fort Washington by which plans that 
Fortress was taken by his Majestys Troops the 16 instant, Together with 2,700 Prisoners and Stores & 
Ammunition to the amount of 1,800 Pound, at the same time I may with Justice Affirm from my Knowl- 
edge of the Works I saved the Lives of Many of his Majestys Subjects— these sir are facts well known to 
every General Officer which was there— and I may with Truth Declare from that time 1 Studied the 
Interest of my Country and Neglected my own— or in the Language of Cardinal Woolsey had I have 
served my God as 1 have done my King he would not Thus have Forsaken Me. 

The following is a just account due me from Government which 1 have never been able to bring 
forward for Want of Sir William Erskine who once, when in Town Assured Me he'd Look into it but 
have never done it, otherways 1 should not now have been in Debt. 

This, Sir, though it may not be in your Power to Get me, may Justify my being so much in Debt, 
& in E.xpectation of this Acct being Paid together with another Devidend from the Express words of the 
Act, where it Says all under Ten Thousand pound Should be Paid without Deduction, 1 having received 
only .;^ioo out of ^467 which 1 Justified before the Commissioners. 

Due for Baw, Batt & Forrage ;Ci 10 70. 

For Engaging Guides, Getting intelligence, etc 45 9 y 

For doing duty as Commissary of Prisoners at Philadelphia, Paying Clerks, 

Stationary, etc 26 13 8 

.^^182 10 3 

The last Two Articles was cash Paid out of my Pocket which was Promised to be Refunded by Sirs 
Wm. Howe and Erskine. 

I most Humbly Beg Pardon for the Length of this Letter & Shall Conclude without making some 
Masonac Remarks as at first intended, And Remain, Revd. Sir, with Dutiful Respect, 

Your most Obedient and Most Humble Servt, 

, , , , , William Demont. 

London, January i6th, 1792. 

19 



It took two days for this information to reach Gen. Howe at White Plains. 
He at once prepared to take advantage of it and laid aside his previous plan of 
forcing a battle with Gen. Washington. He directed Gen. Knyphausen with his 
Hessians and Waldeckers to take possession of King's Bridge, and himself moved 
over with his troops to the Hudson River at Dobbs Ferry. Their approach forced 
the Americans to abandon Fort Independence, just north of the Spuyten Duyvil, 
and to withdraw to Fort Washington, after destroying the bridge. 

The movements of the British army were watched with great care and their 
intent sought for. Gen. Joseph Reed wrote to his wife on November 6th: 
"Opinions here are various. Some think they are falling down on Mount Wash- 
ington, others that they mean to take shipping up North River and fall upon our 
rear. Others, and a great majority, think that finding our army too strongly 
posted, they have changed their whole plans and are bending southward, intending 
to penetrate the Jerseys and so move on to Philadelphia." 

On November 6th Washington wrote to Congress: "Yesterday morning 
the enemy made a sudden and unexpected movement from the several posts they 
had taken in our front. They broke up their whole encampments the preceding 
night, and have advanced towards King's Bridge and the North River. The 
design of this manoeuvre is a matter of much conjecture and speculation, and 
cannot be accounted for with any degree of certainty. I cannot indulge an idea 
that Gen. Howe, supposing he is going to New York, means to close the 
campaign, and sit down without attempting something more. I think it highly 
probable and almost certain, that he will make a descent with part of his troops 
into Jersey, and, as soon as I am satisfied that the present manoeuvre is real, and 
not a feint, I shall use every means in my power to forward a part of our forces to 
counteract his designs. 1 expect the enemy will bend their force against Fort 
Washington and invest it immediately. From some advices, it is an object that 
will attract their earliest attention." 

On November 9th he wrote: " By every information L can obtain, Gen. Howe 
has still in view an expedition to the Jerseys and is preparing for it with the 
greatest industry. I hope to check his progress and prevent him from penetrating 
any distance from the river, if not to oblige him to return immediately with some 
loss. Whatever is in my power to effect shall be done." 

On November iith: "I left White Plains about eleven o'clock yesterday ; all 
peace there. The enemy appeared to be preparing for their expedition to Jersey 
according to every information. What their designs are, or whether their present 
conduct is not a feint, I cannot determine." 

On November 14th: "The movements and designs of the enemy are not yet 
understood. Various are the opinions and reports on this head. From every 
information the whole has removed from Dobbs Ferry towards King's Bridge, 
and it seems to be generally believed on all hands, that the investing of Fort 
Washington is one object they have in view; but that can employ but a small part 
of their force. 1 propose to stay in this neighborhood a few days in which time 
I expect the designs of the enemy will be more disclosed, and their incursions 

20 



be made in this quarter, or their investiture of Fort Washington, if they are 
intended. 

Two British fVigates had passed up the river on October 9th, undeterred by 
the obstructions and unharmed by the furious canrionadint^ of the forts. There 
was, therefore, danger that the river might be closed. The American army could 
be of no possible use in the defense of New Jersey while on the east bank. At a 
council of war it was determined to transfer the army to New Jersey, while there 
was yet time and opportunity. The crossing was made at Tarrytown and Pier- 
mont, and by November 12th the army had moved down the west side of the 
Hudson and encamped at Hackensack and Fort Lee. Gen. William Heath was left 
in command of the Highlands at Peekskill, and General Charles Lee at Newcastle, 
with orders to withdraw to the north side in case of pressure from the enemv. 

On November 14th, Capts. Wilkinson and Molloy of the Royal Navy took 
thirty flat boats up the Hudson to King's Bridge, and transferred the Hessians 
troops across the Spuyten Duyvil to the plains northeast of Fort Washington. 

Gen. Washington was of the opinion that the Fort should be evacuated at 
once and the men and stores taken across the river to Fort Lee. On November 
8th he wrote to Gen. Greene: " If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up, 
and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable pmpose 
can it answer to attempt to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be 
had. I am therefore inclined to think that it will not be prudent to hazard the 
men and stores at Mount Washington, but as you are on the spot I leave it to you 
to give such orders, as to evacuating Mount Washington, as you may judge most 
advisable, and so far revoke the orders given to Col. Magaw to defend it to the 
last." 

Gen. Greene replied: " I cannot but help thinking the garrison is of advantage, 
and I cannot conceive it to be in any great danger. The men can be brought off 
at any time, but the stores may not be so easily removed. Yet I think they mav 
be got off, if matters grew desperate." 

Washington deterred to Gen. Greene's judgment and let matters rest as they 
were. Several additional regiments were sent over as a reinforcement, makino- 
the total number of defenders about 2,800. 

A description has previously been given of the exact location of the Fort and 
its outlying fortifications which covered considerable ground. From the Spuyten 
Duyvil southward they extended some three and a half miles. At Fort Tryon, 
were Col. Moses Rawlings, Maj. Otho Holland Williams and the Maryland 'and 
Virginia riflemen. On the east Col. Baxter and Col. Michael Swope,' with the 
militia of the flying camp, guarded Laurel Hill and the other thickly wooded hills 
rising above the Harlem River. On the south were stationed " Col. Lambert 
Cadwalader and his Pennsylvania Rangers. Col. Robert Magaw retained com- 
mand in the Fort, where he could overlook the movements going on about him. 
The troops comprised some of the best men in the American army, and as the 
position was a strong one, well wooded, hilly and protected by abattis, it was 
expected that the British could be driven back in case of assault. 

On November isth the British Adjutant General summoned the garrison to 



21 



surrender and called the attention of Col. Magaw to Ihe fact that by military law, 
in case of storm the garrison was subject to be put to the sword. Col. Magaw 
returned the following reply : 

I Sth November, 1776. 
Sir: 

If I rightly understand the purport of your message from Gen. Howe, communicated to Col. 
Swope, this Fort is to be immediately surrendered, or the garrison put to the sword. 1 rather tliink it a 
mistake than a settled resolution in Gen. Howe to act a part so unworthy of himself and the British nation. 
But give me leave to assure his excellency, that actuated by the most glorious cause that mankind ever 
fought in, 1 am determined to defend this post to the last extremity. 

Col. Magaw notified Gen. Greene of what he had done and the latter sent 
word to Washington at his headquarters in Hackensack. 

Washington's doubts as to the advisability of maintaining the post, again 
returned, and although it was late in the evening he determined to visit the Fort 
that night and finally decide the matter after consultation with his generals. On 
arriving at Fort Lee he found they had preceded him, so he took a boat and 
started across the river. He met Generals Greene and Putnam returning. They 
assured him that the troops were in high spirits and would make a good defense, 
and he turned back. 

About ten o'clock on the morning of the i6th the British army advanced to 
the assault in three divisions. Under cover of heavy cannonading Lord Percy 
moved against Col. Cadwalader on the southward. Gen. Howe was with this 
division in person. It met with great resistance until a fourth division of the 
British crossed the Harlem and landed within the second line of the American 
defences. This division was mainly composed of Highlanders under Lieut.- Col. 
Thomas Sterling. Thus taken on the flank Col. Cadwalader sent a detachment to 
drive them back and Col. Magaw hurried other men from the Fort for the same 
purpose. 

The Scotchmen were too strong for the Americans, took most of them prisoners 
and forced Col. Cadwalader to retreat to the Fort. At the same time the second divi- 
sion, composed of the English Light Infantry, the Guards and Grenadiers, led by Gen. 
Edward Mathews and Lord Cornwallis, crossed the Harlem River in flat boats 
and stormed the heights of Laurel Hill. Col. Baxter was killed while making a 
gallant defense and the militia was driven back. 

The success of the British at that point nearly resulted in the capture of Gen. 
Washington. When the cannonading began he crossed the Hudson River with 
Generals Putnam, Greene and Mercer and stationed himself at the Roger Morris 
house, now known as the Jumel mansion, from whence he could readily survey 
the scene of operations. He witnessed the defeat of his troops and wept when he 
saw them bayoneted by the pursuing enemy. He withdrew to his boat and a 
few minutes later the British occupied the house. 

The best fighting of the day, however, was by Col. Rawlings and his men to 
the northward. Aided by the guns of the man-of-war Pearl, stationed in the 
North River, G^n. Knvphausen moved to the attack. Rail, afterwards killed at 
Trenton, directed his Waldeckers against Fort Tryon, and fought, Cornwallis said. 



"to the iidmiration of the entire British army." Knyphausen led his Hessians and 
tore down the abattis with his own hands. They met foemen worthy of their 
steel. Rawlings' men were mostly the small remains of the Maryland Riflemen 
who had saved the American army from capture by their desperate defense as the 
rear-guard at Long Island. They had lost none of their courage. , Having three 
field pieces and being expert shots with the rifie they held Knyphausen at bay for 
two hours and only withdrew to Fort Washington when the other divisions of 
the enemy began closing in on their fiank. Col. Rawlings and Maj. Williams were 
both severely wounded. 

An interesting incident of this brave defense of Fort Tryon was the appear- 
ance of the first woman to fight for American liberty. An artilleryman named 
Corbin was stationed at one of the guns. His wife was with him and when 
the fighting grew desperate and men were needed, she helped him at the gun. 
He was killed at his post and she took his place and fought the gun until she 
dropped badly wounded. By recommendation of Gen. Washington, Congress in 
1779, voted Margaret Corbin a one-half pension and the value of a soldier's suit of 
clothes, yearly. 

The American troops, driven back on all sides, crowded into the Fort, where a 
scene of great disorder existed. Many were greviously wounded and' all were 
much exhausted. Knyphausen sent in a summons to surrender. Believing that 
any further defense was useless and would only sacrifice his men, Col. Mao-aw 
assented. Before arrangements were completed Capt. Gooch arrived witli a 
message from Gen. Washington instructing Col. Magaw to maintain himself till 
night and then withdraw. Col. Magaw said he had gone too far with the 
negotiations for surrender to draw back. Capt. Gooch did not consider himself 
as included in the surrender, so he made a dash for his boat, reached it under 
heavy fire and got away safely. 

The surrender was unconditional. The prisoners numbered 2,637 men, 
including 221 officers. Forty-three guns and a large amount of stores were taken! 
Graydon gives the number of the British army as: Hessians, 3.000; under Lord 
Percy, 1,600; under Col. Sterling, 800, and of the Light Infantry Guards, 3,500; 
a total of 8,900 men. The total British loss was 78 killed and 380 wounded.' 
The strong resistance on the north is shown by the fact that the Hessians loss was 
53 killed and 272 wounded. The American loss was 4 officers and 50 privates 
killed, and 3 officers and 9 privates wounded. 

The surrender was a terrible blow to the American cause, and, as has been 
said, nearly ruined it. It caused many who were wavering to side with the British 
government and it spread a deep discouragement among the revolted colonies 
from which they recovered very slowly. 

Washington wrote to Congress : 

<.... Gen. Greene's quarters, November 16th, 1776. 

Since I had the honor of addressing you last, an important event has taken place, of which I wish to 
give you the earliest intelligence. 

The preservation of the passage of the North River was an object of so much consequence that I 
thought no pains or expense too great for that purpose, and therefore, after sending off ail the valuable 

33 



stores, except such as were necessary for its defence, 1 determined, agreeable to the advice of most of the 
general officers to risk something to defend the post on the east side, called Mount Washington. 

When the army moved up in consequence of Gen. Howe's landing at Frog Point, Col. Magaw was 
left on that command, with about 1200 men, and orders given to defend it to the last. Afterwards reflect- 
ing upon the smallness of the garrison, and the difficulty of their holding it if Gen. Howe should fall down 
upon it with his whole force, I wrote to Gen. Greene who had the command on the Jersey shore, directing 
him to govern himself by circumstances, and to retain or evacuate the post as he should think best, and 
revoking the absolute order to Col. Magaw, to defend the post to the last extremity. Gen. Greene, struck 
with the importance of the post, and the disengagement which our evacuation of posts must necessa- 
rily have given, reinforced Col. Magaw with detachments from several regiments of the flying camp, but 
chiefly of Pennsylvania, so as to make up the number about two thousand. 

In this situation things were yesterday, when Gen. Howe demanded the surrender of the garrison, to 
which Col. Magaw returned a spirited refusal. Immediately upon receiving an account of this transaction, 
I came from Hackensack to this place, and had hardly crossed the North River, when 1 met Gen. Putnam, 
and Gen. Greene, who were just returning from thence', and informed me that the troops were high 
spirited and would make a good defence ; and it being late at night, I returned. Early this morning Col. 
Magaw posted his troops partly in the lines thrown up by our army on our first coming thither from New 
York, and partly on a commanding hill lying north of Mount Washington, the lines being all to the south- 
ward. In this position the attack began about ten o'clock, which our troops stood, and returned the fire 
in such a manner as gave me great hopes the enemy was entirely repulsed. But at this time a body of 
troops crossed Harlem River in boats and landed inside the second lines, our troops being then engaged 
in the first. Col. Cadwalader, who commanded in the lines, sent off a detachment to oppose them ; but 
tiiey being overpowered by numbers gave way ; upon which Col. Cadwalader ordered his troops to 
retreat in order to gain the fort. It was done with much confusion ; and the enemy, crossing over came 
in upon them in such a manner, that a number of them surrendered. 

At tiiis time the Hessians advanced on the north side of the Fort in a very large body. They were 
received by the troops posted there, with proper spirit, and kept back a considerable time ; but at length 
they were also obliged to submit to a superiority of numbers, and retire under the cannon of the fort. 

The enemy having advanced thus fir halted, and immediately a flag went in with a repetition of the 
demand of the Fortress, as I suppose. At this time I sent a billet to Col. Magaw, directing him to hold 
out, and 1 would endeavor this evening to bring off the garrison, if the Fortress could not be main- 
tained, as I did not expect it could, the enemy being possessed of the adjacent ground. But, before this 
reached hjm he had entered too far into a treaty to retract, after which, Col. Cadwalader told another 
messenger who went over, that they iiad been able to obtain no other terms than to surrender as prisoners 
of war. In this situation matters now stand. I have stopped Gen. Beall's and Gen. Heard's brigades to 
preserve the post and stores here ; which, with other troops, 1 hope we shall be able to effect. 

I do not yet know the numbers killed or wounded on either side, but from the heaviness and con- 
tinuance of the fire in some places, I imagine there must have been considerable execution. 

The loss of such a number of officers and men, many of whom have been trained with more than 
common attention, will, I fear, be severely felt ; but when that of the army and accoutrements is added, 
much more so ; and must be a further incentive to procure as considerable a supply as possible for the 
new troops, as soon as it can be done. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

G. W. 
Gen. Greene wrote ns follows: 

Fort Lee, November 17th, 1776. 

The misfortune of losing Fort Washington, with between two and three thousand men, will reach 
you before this. His excellency Gen. Washington has been with me for several days. The evacuation or 
reinforcement of Fort Washington under consideration, but finally notiiing concluded on. Day before 
yesterday about one o'clock, Howe's Adjutant General made the demand of the surrender of the garrison 
in the general's name, but was answered by the commanding officer that lie should defend it to the last 
extremity. 

Yesterday morning Gen. Washington, Gen. Putnam, Gen. Mercer and myself, went to the Island, 
to determine what was best to be done ; but just at tiie instant we stepped on board the boat, the enemy 

24 



made their appearance on the hill where Monday's action was, and began a severe cannonade with several 
field pieces. Our guards soon fled and the enemy advanced to the second line. This was done while 
we were crossing the river and gettinsj; upon the hill. The enemy made several marches to the right and 
to the left, 1 suppose to reconnoitre the fortifications and' the lines. There we all stood in a very awkward 
situation. As the disposition was made and the enemy advancing, we durst not attempt to make any 
new disposition. Indeed we saw nothing amiss. 

We all urged his excellency to come off. I offered to stay and Gen. Putnam did the same and so 
did Gen. Mercer, but his excellency thought it best for all to come off together, which we did about half 
an hour before the enemy surrounded the fort. The enemy came up the Harlem River and landed a party 
at lieadquarters, which was on the back of our people in their lines. A disorderly retreat soon took place, 
and without much firing the people retreated into the Fort. On the north side of the Fort there was a 
very heavy fire for a long while, as they had the advantage of the ground. I apprehended the enemy's 
loss must be great. After the troops retreated in the fort very few guns were fired. The enemy approached 
within small-arm fire of the lines and sent in a flag, and the garrison capitulated in an hour. 1 was afraid 
of the Fort ; the redoubt you and 1 advised was not done, or little or nothing done to it. Had that been 
completed 1 think the garrison might have defended themselves a long time, or been brought off. I feel 
mad, vexed, sick and sorry. This is the most terrible event, the consequences are justly to be dreaded. 

The unfortunate prisoners were marched to New York, and were confined in 
the Presbyterian and Reformed Dutch Churches, where through neglect, cold, 
famine and disease they died in great numbers. Col. Elie Williams, in a letter to the 
Board of War, speaks of those brave men Col. Rawlings and Maj. Williams. He says : 

To the Honorable Board of War, 
Gentlemen: 

1 am induced to trouble your honors from the deep concern 1 am under arising from the distressed 
situation of my brother, Maj. Otho Holland Williams who was numbered amongst the unfortunate at the 
reduction of Fort Washington. He has been the greatest part of his time on Long island on parole until 
sometime in September when Mr. Loring, the commissary of prisoners, ordered him to New York, and 
confined him in file I'rovost Guard upon the affidavit of a person who made oath that he had seen a 
letter in I'hiladelphia, signed by Maj. Williams, directing our army how to proceed to Long Island to 
rescue the prisoners. 

This information 1 have from Col. Rawlings, an eye witness, who since has made his escape from one 
of the prison ships. The integrity of this gentleman is so well known that his veracity is not to be 
doubted. Maj. Williams has not been heard nor tried though he repeatedly preferred his petition to Gen. 
Howe for that purpose. The charge against him (breaking his parole) is so inconsistant with his character 
and the confidence of his acquaintance and his not being admitted to trial is a very evident proof of his 
innocence. 

He has been perfectly resigned to his fate in war and supported every disaster with a manly fortitude, 
but justice calls for his relief and the ties of nature and affinity makes it my duty to solicit your honors in 
his behalf 

Praying that proper measures may be pursued to prevent the innocent from suffering and if possible 

to obtain his relief from the insults, abuses and indignities to which he is reduced and to this end beg that 

your honors will furnish me with instructions to Col. Boudinot directing him to send in on parole an 

officer of equal rank with my brother to return if Maj. Williams should not be sent out for him. The officer 

sent by us will no doubt use his influence to effect the exchange and his soliciting the General in person 

may have a better effect than proposing an exchange in any other manner. As I am on my way to camp 

to send in a supply of cash to my brother should be happy to have your answer as soon as your honors 

can make it convenient.- 

1 am, with due deference, 

Youis Mos. Ob. Servt., ^ 
Mr. Shultz's, 29th December, 1777. Elie Williams. 

25 



They were both exchanged later on. Col. Rawlings served through the war. 
Maj. Williams rose to be a brigadier general in the Continental Army. The- traitor, 
Demont, or Dement as he appears in the American army roll, came from Pennsyl- 
vania. He was an ensign in the sth Battalion and was made regimental adjutant on 
September 29th, 1 776. He served in the British Army during the war as commissary 
of prisoners at F^hilapelphia and elsewhere. That Washington persisted to the end 
in his opinion that the Fort should be evacuated is shown by a letter written 
November 19th, to his half-brother John A. Washington in which he says: 

"This is a most unfortunate affair, and has given me great mortification; as 
we have lost not only two thousand men that were there, but a good deal of 
artillery and some of the best arms we had. And what adds to my mortification 
is, that this post, after the last ships went past it, was held contrary to my wishes 
and opinion, as I conceived it to be a hazardous one." 



Revolutionary War Relics 

In addition to the relics previously mentioned, there are miiny others scattered 
about the city, in larger or smaller collections. Where their places of discovery 
have been recorded, they are of great historical value, for most of the descriptions 
of the battle of Fort Washington are very general in their references to the imme- 
diate localities where the greatest fighting took place and the details of the compo- 
sition and movements of the enemy's forces Alexander Crawford Chenoweth 
has a number of relics showing that there was very stubborn fighting in the valley 
between Laurel Hill and Fort Washington along the present King's Bridge Road 
from 187th Street for half a mile northward. In this short section he has found the 
following: Button of the 17th Regiment, British lancers; belt buckle, marked "G. 
N. 31 ;" gun flints; grape shot; musket balls; bayonets; and lance tips, the latter in 
a row where the lancers, dismounting, stuck their lances into the ground and 
presumably tethered their horses; at the gas house, on the King's Bridge Road 
just south of Dyckman Street, an eighteen-pounder shot, and a portion of a 
limber; about 200 feet east of gas house, on the plain, button of 80th Regiment of 
Royal Edinborough Volunteers, also the bones of many dead; also buttons of 38th 
Royal Regiment and 71st Regiment (Fraser's) Highlanders; at corner of Sherman 
Avenue and Dyckman Street, upon bits of cloth clinging to the wrist bones of a 
huge skeleton, a pair of link sleeve-buttons, made of small Spanish coins bearing 
the inscription M. 'VTRAQUE VNUM. M. 1771; at corner of Academy Street 
and King's Bridge Road, button of 17th Regiment Light Dragoons, British; at 
Bolton Road and Inwood Street, English buttons and wine bottles, indicating 
officers' headquarters; at Dyckman Street and Post Avenue, a jack knife, buried 
in a pile of oyster shells, spring very good yet, edge of blade much nicked as if 
used for opening oysters; at Laurel Hill, a Hessian spur and buttons of the S7th, 
52d and 44th Royal Regiments ; on slope just north of Fort Tryon, remains of 

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many Hessians; on ridge east of King's Bridge Road, between 187th Street and 
gas-house, many si<eletons; at Crystal Spring, on south side of Spuyten Duyvil 
Creek, opposite Johnson's foundry, button of Grenadier Guards ; and throughout 
foregoing region, many American buttons, which, being plain, gave no clue to the 
identity of their wearers. 

As the settlement of the northern end of the island progresses, the grading of 
streets and excavations for sewers, water and gas mains and foundations reveal 
more and more relics of the Revolutionary period. C. C. Simpson, General Super- 
intendent of Mains of the Consolidated Gas Co. has a very interesting and growing 
collection, which includes the following: British officers' buttons, ornamental 
British sword hilt, bayonet, musket balls, a belt plate bearing the figure 6 or 9, 
human bones, and a beautilul long octagonal barreled tlint lock ritle, all found near 
the foot of Depot Lane (Fort Washington Point), the ritle hidden in the rocks; camp 
chest plate, bolt and cannon ball, on site of Fort George Casino; linch-pin for gun 
carnage, wedge for same, pewter spoon, lance tip, lance point, horse shoe, horse- 
bit, pot-hook, hammer. 7>^ inch bomb, smaller bombs, shoe buckles and bullets, 
also at Fort George; bomb shell on the northern slope of Fort George (Laurel) hill; 
20-pound bar-shot, probably from the " Pearl," and bullets at King's Bridge Road 
and Dyckman Street; helmet button. King's Bridge Road north of Dyckman; 
smaller bar-shot, 600 feet west of Harlem River in 200th Street; fragment of bar-shot 
and part of a brass candle-stick, 200th Street and 9th Avenne; 3-pound, 4-pound 
and s-pound shot, 200th Street and King's Bridge Road; i-pound shot, 300 feet 
east of King's Bridge Road, opposite Fort George; belt buckle, gun flints, bullets, 
buttons, i-pound ball, Prescott Avenue, south of Academy Street; buttons, 
buckles, gun-hammer, bullets, button of 17th Regiment, gun cleaner and flattened 
shot, Prescott Avenue, 600 or 800 feet north of Dyckman Street; black bottles, 600 
feet north of Dyckman Street and west of Prescott Avenue; English bill-hook, 
Marble Hill; beautiful brass headgear ornament embodying a crown and initials 
G. R., Hawthorne Avenue, west of King's Bridge Road; square iron band, ^% 
inches square, character not known, variously described as part of a limber and 
bond of cheveau de frise, King's Bridge Road and 214th Street; sword blade and 
12-pound shot. Fort Washington Avenue and i8i.st Street; clay pipe, Dyckman 
Street; spur. King's Bridge Road; Spanish coin, used for charm, " Utraque Unum, 
1741, Philip V. D. G. Hispan. et Ind. Rex," at Cooper and Emerson Streets, and 
the following, location not stated: Uniform buttons of loth, 14th, 23d, 71st, 44th 
(crown), and 23d (three plumes) regiments, numerous gun-tlints, Spanish coin, 
" Utra aue Unum, 176s, Car. 111., D. G. Hisp. et Ind. R.", British coin " Britannia, 
1746, Georgius II. Rex, " Irish coin " Hibernia, 1733, Georgius II. Rex," reamer for 
vent of cannon, etc. 

William L. Calver has a collection of regimental buttons of historical value, 
showing that fully 30 regiments saw service at the northern end of the Island dur- 
ing the period of British occupation. The Fort George barracks were about on a 
line with i92d Street. The famous 44th was among those on Laurel Hill. About 
200 yards north of Dyckman Street, on the western side of Prescott Avenue, an 
important British camp is indicated by some of the relies before mentioned and by 



27 



others in Mr. Calver's collection, including a fine class of officers' buttons and the 
peculiar black bottles which indicate a certain degree of creature comfort. The 
stump of an old tlagstaff was also found there. The buttons record the presence 
of the 17th Light Dragoons, 17th Foot, 7th Fusilliers, 4sth Foot, S3d Foot, 14th 
Foot, 71st Highlanders. 80th Royal Edinburgh Vols., and the Tory regiment of 
N. Y. Vols. At the foot of 201st Street on the north side of Sherman's Creek was 
found the usual debris of a camp, including buttons of the 10th, 26th and 33d 
British regiments, besides some continental buttons. At Fort Prince Charles were 
found buttons of the 71st Highlanders and a Massachusetts regiment. 

It may not be amiss to caution the reader against the supposition that alt the 
regiments indicated by these relics took part in the battle of Fort Washington. 
Many regiments which did not participate in the action of November i6th, 1776, 
were encamped on the northern end of the Island between 1 776 and 1783, and 
discretion must be exercised in the interpretations of the relics found. 

if any of the readers of this pamphlet have relics bearing on this subject, and 
will send a catalogue of them to the Secretary of this society, the information will 
be placed among the Society's historical archives. 



Proposed Arch 

The frontispiece of this Memorial embodies a suggestion for an arch made for 
the Society by Charles 1. Berg, who designed the Society's monument at Wash- 
ington's Headquarters, Dobbs Ferry. The proportions are nearly the same as those 
of the famous Arch of Titus, in Rome. Its dimensions are : Total height, 45 feet; 
total width, 42 feet; depth, 12 feet; height of archway, 30 feet; width of archway, 
2S feet. The avenue is 80 feet wide, the roadway being 42 feet wide and the 
sidewalk on either side 19 feet. This arch would cost about $7^,000 built of 
marble. If built of granite, which is a harder material to work, it would cost 
probably one-third more. Limestone would be cheaper than either. The Wash- 
ington Memorial Arch at the foot of Fifth Avenue is 70 feet high, built of 
marble, and cost $128,000. The Soldiers and Sailors Arch at the entrance to 
Prospect Park is 71% feet high and cost $396,883. The proposed site of the Fort 
Washington Arch, upon the summit of a commanding hill would tend to enhance 
the effect of the smaller arch, upon the well-known principle of art that the 
elevation of a structure above the line of sight makes it^more imposing. 




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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




